The Iron Heel Read online

  CHAPTER XIV

  THE BEGINNING OF THE END

  As early as January, 1913, Ernest saw the true trend of affairs, buthe could not get his brother leaders to see the vision of the IronHeel that had arisen in his brain. They were too confident. Events wererushing too rapidly to culmination. A crisis had come in worldaffairs. The American Oligarchy was practically in possession of theworld-market, and scores of countries were flung out of that market withunconsumable and unsalable surpluses on their hands. For such countriesnothing remained but reorganization. They could not continue theirmethod of producing surpluses. The capitalistic system, so far as theywere concerned, had hopelessly broken down.

  The reorganization of these countries took the form of revolution.It was a time of confusion and violence. Everywhere institutions andgovernments were crashing. Everywhere, with the exception of two orthree countries, the erstwhile capitalist masters fought bitterly fortheir possessions. But the governments were taken away from them by themilitant proletariat. At last was being realized Karl Marx's classic:"The knell of private capitalist property sounds. The expropriatorsare expropriated." And as fast as capitalistic governments crashed,cooperative commonwealths arose in their place.

  "Why does the United States lag behind?"; "Get busy, you Americanrevolutionists!"; "What's the matter with America?"--were the messagessent to us by our successful comrades in other lands. But we could notkeep up. The Oligarchy stood in the way. Its bulk, like that of somehuge monster, blocked our path.

  "Wait till we take office in the spring," we answered. "Then you'llsee."

  Behind this lay our secret. We had won over the Grangers, and in thespring a dozen states would pass into their hands by virtue of theelections of the preceding fall. At once would be instituted a dozencooperative commonwealth states. After that, the rest would be easy.

  "But what if the Grangers fail to get possession?" Ernest demanded. Andhis comrades called him a calamity howler.

  But this failure to get possession was not the chief danger that Ernesthad in mind. What he foresaw was the defection of the great labor unionsand the rise of the castes.

  "Ghent has taught the oligarchs how to do it," Ernest said. "I'll wagerthey've made a text-book out of his 'Benevolent Feudalism.'"*

  * "Our Benevolent Feudalism," a book published in 1902 A.D., by W. J. Ghent. It has always been insisted that Ghent put the idea of the Oligarchy into the minds of the great capitalists. This belief persists throughout the literature of the three centuries of the Iron Heel, and even in the literature of the first century of the Brotherhood of Man. To-day we know better, but our knowledge does not overcome the fact that Ghent remains the most abused innocent man in all history.

  Never shall I forget the night when, after a hot discussion with half adozen labor leaders, Ernest turned to me and said quietly: "That settlesit. The Iron Heel has won. The end is in sight."

  This little conference in our home was unofficial; but Ernest, like therest of his comrades, was working for assurances from the labor leadersthat they would call out their men in the next general strike. O'Connor,the president of the Association of Machinists, had been foremost of thesix leaders present in refusing to give such assurance.

  "You have seen that you were beaten soundly at your old tactics ofstrike and boycott," Ernest urged.

  O'Connor and the others nodded their heads.

  "And you saw what a general strike would do," Ernest went on. "Westopped the war with Germany. Never was there so fine a display of thesolidarity and the power of labor. Labor can and will rule the world.If you continue to stand with us, we'll put an end to the reign ofcapitalism. It is your only hope. And what is more, you know it. Thereis no other way out. No matter what you do under your old tactics, youare doomed to defeat, if for no other reason because the masters controlthe courts."*

  * As a sample of the decisions of the courts adverse to labor, the following instances are given. In the coal- mining regions the employment of children was notorious. In 1905 A.D., labor succeeded in getting a law passed in Pennsylvania providing that proof of the age of the child and of certain educational qualifications must accompany the oath of the parent. This was promptly declared unconstitutional by the Luzerne County Court, on the ground that it violated the Fourteenth Amendment in that it discriminated between individuals of the same class--namely, children above fourteen years of age and children below. The state court sustained the decision. The New York Court of Special Sessions, in 1905 A.D., declared unconstitutional the law prohibiting minors and women from working in factories after nine o'clock at night, the ground taken being that such a law was "class legislation." Again, the bakers of that time were terribly overworked. The New York Legislature passed a law restricting work in bakeries to ten hours a day. In 1906 A.D., the Supreme Court of the United States declared this law to be unconstitutional. In part the decision read: "There is no reasonable ground for interfering with the liberty of persons or the right of free contract by determining the hours of labor in the occupation of a baker."

  "You run ahead too fast," O'Connor answered. "You don't know all theways out. There is another way out. We know what we're about. We're sickof strikes. They've got us beaten that way to a frazzle. But I don'tthink we'll ever need to call our men out again."

  "What is your way out?" Ernest demanded bluntly.

  O'Connor laughed and shook his head. "I can tell you this much: We'venot been asleep. And we're not dreaming now."

  "There's nothing to be afraid of, or ashamed of, I hope," Ernestchallenged.

  "I guess we know our business best," was the retort.

  "It's a dark business, from the way you hide it," Ernest said withgrowing anger.

  "We've paid for our experience in sweat and blood, and we've earned allthat's coming to us," was the reply. "Charity begins at home."

  "If you're afraid to tell me your way out, I'll tell it to you."Ernest's blood was up. "You're going in for grab-sharing. You've madeterms with the enemy, that's what you've done. You've sold out the causeof labor, of all labor. You are leaving the battle-field like cowards."

  "I'm not saying anything," O'Connor answered sullenly. "Only I guess weknow what's best for us a little bit better than you do."

  "And you don't care a cent for what is best for the rest of labor. Youkick it into the ditch."

  "I'm not saying anything," O'Connor replied, "except that I'm presidentof the Machinists' Association, and it's my business to consider theinterests of the men I represent, that's all."

  And then, when the labor leaders had left, Ernest, with the calmness ofdefeat, outlined to me the course of events to come.

  "The socialists used to foretell with joy," he said, "the coming of theday when organized labor, defeated on the industrial field, would comeover on to the political field. Well, the Iron Heel has defeatedthe labor unions on the industrial field and driven them over to thepolitical field; and instead of this being joyful for us, it will bea source of grief. The Iron Heel learned its lesson. We showed it ourpower in the general strike. It has taken steps to prevent anothergeneral strike."

  "But how?" I asked.

  "Simply by subsidizing the great unions. They won't join in the nextgeneral strike. Therefore it won't be a general strike."

  "But the Iron Heel can't maintain so costly a programme forever," Iobjected.

  "Oh, it hasn't subsidized all of the unions. That's not necessary. Hereis what is going to happen. Wages are going to be advanced and hoursshortened in the railroad unions, the iron and steel workers unions,and the engineer and machinist unions. In these unions more favorableconditions will continue to prevail. Membership in these unions willbecome like seats in Paradise."

  "Still I don't see," I objected. "What is to become of the other unions?There are far more unions outside of this combination than in it."

  "The other unions w
ill be ground out of existence--all of them. For,don't you see, the railway men, machinists and engineers, iron andsteel workers, do all of the vitally essential work in our machinecivilization. Assured of their faithfulness, the Iron Heel can snapits fingers at all the rest of labor. Iron, steel, coal, machinery, andtransportation constitute the backbone of the whole industrial fabric."

  "But coal?" I queried. "There are nearly a million coal miners."

  They are practically unskilled labor. They will not count. Their wageswill go down and their hours will increase. They will be slaves like allthe rest of us, and they will become about the most bestial of all ofus. They will be compelled to work, just as the farmers are compelledto work now for the masters who robbed them of their land. And the samewith all the other unions outside the combination. Watch them wobble andgo to pieces, and their members become slaves driven to toil by emptystomachs and the law of the land.

  "Do you know what will happen to Farley* and his strike-breakers? I'lltell you. Strike-breaking as an occupation will cease. There won't beany more strikes. In place of strikes will be slave revolts. Farley andhis gang will be promoted to slave-driving. Oh, it won't be calledthat; it will be called enforcing the law of the land that compels thelaborers to work. It simply prolongs the fight, this treachery of thebig unions. Heaven only knows now where and when the Revolution willtriumph."

  * James Farley--a notorious strike-breaker of the period. A man more courageous than ethical, and of undeniable ability. He rose high under the rule of the Iron Heel and finally was translated into the oligarch class. He was assassinated in 1932 by Sarah Jenkins, whose husband, thirty years before, had been killed by Farley's strike-breakers.

  "But with such a powerful combination as the Oligarchy and the bigunions, is there any reason to believe that the Revolution will evertriumph?" I queried. "May not the combination endure forever?"

  He shook his head. "One of our generalizations is that every systemfounded upon class and caste contains within itself the germs of its owndecay. When a system is founded upon class, how can caste be prevented?The Iron Heel will not be able to prevent it, and in the end caste willdestroy the Iron Heel. The oligarchs have already developed caste amongthemselves; but wait until the favored unions develop caste. The IronHeel will use all its power to prevent it, but it will fail.

  "In the favored unions are the flower of the American workingmen. Theyare strong, efficient men. They have become members of those unionsthrough competition for place. Every fit workman in the United Stateswill be possessed by the ambition to become a member of the favoredunions. The Oligarchy will encourage such ambition and the consequentcompetition. Thus will the strong men, who might else be revolutionists,be won away and their strength used to bolster the Oligarchy.

  "On the other hand, the labor castes, the members of the favored unions,will strive to make their organizations into close corporations.And they will succeed. Membership in the labor castes will becomehereditary. Sons will succeed fathers, and there will be no inflow ofnew strength from that eternal reservoir of strength, the common people.This will mean deterioration of the labor castes, and in the end theywill become weaker and weaker. At the same time, as an institution, theywill become temporarily all-powerful. They will be like the guards ofthe palace in old Rome, and there will be palace revolutions wherebythe labor castes will seize the reins of power. And there will becounter-palace revolutions of the oligarchs, and sometimes the one, andsometimes the other, will be in power. And through it all the inevitablecaste-weakening will go on, so that in the end the common people willcome into their own."

  This foreshadowing of a slow social evolution was made when Ernest wasfirst depressed by the defection of the great unions. I never agreedwith him in it, and I disagree now, as I write these lines, moreheartily than ever; for even now, though Ernest is gone, we are on theverge of the revolt that will sweep all oligarchies away. Yet I havehere given Ernest's prophecy because it was his prophecy. In spite ofhis belief in it, he worked like a giant against it, and he, more thanany man, has made possible the revolt that even now waits the signal toburst forth.*

  * Everhard's social foresight was remarkable. As clearly as in the light of past events, he saw the defection of the favored unions, the rise and the slow decay of the labor castes, and the struggle between the decaying oligarchs and labor castes for control of the great governmental machine.

  "But if the Oligarchy persists," I asked him that evening, "what willbecome of the great surpluses that will fall to its share every year?"

  "The surpluses will have to be expended somehow," he answered; "andtrust the oligarchs to find a way. Magnificent roads will be built.There will be great achievements in science, and especially in art. Whenthe oligarchs have completely mastered the people, they will have timeto spare for other things. They will become worshippers of beauty.They will become art-lovers. And under their direction and generouslyrewarded, will toil the artists. The result will be great art; for nolonger, as up to yesterday, will the artists pander to the bourgeoistaste of the middle class. It will be great art, I tell you, and wondercities will arise that will make tawdry and cheap the cities of oldtime. And in these cities will the oligarchs dwell and worship beauty.*

  * We cannot but marvel at Everhard's foresight. Before ever the thought of wonder cities like Ardis and Asgard entered the minds of the oligarchs, Everhard saw those cities and the inevitable necessity for their creation.

  "Thus will the surplus be constantly expended while labor does the work.The building of these great works and cities will give a starvationration to millions of common laborers, for the enormous bulk of thesurplus will compel an equally enormous expenditure, and the oligarchswill build for a thousand years--ay, for ten thousand years. They willbuild as the Egyptians and the Babylonians never dreamed of building;and when the oligarchs have passed away, their great roads and theirwonder cities will remain for the brotherhood of labor to tread upon anddwell within.*

  * And since that day of prophecy, have passed away the three centuries of the Iron Heel and the four centuries of the Brotherhood of Man, and to-day we tread the roads and dwell in the cities that the oligarchs built. It is true, we are even now building still more wonderful wonder cities, but the wonder cities of the oligarchs endure, and I write these lines in Ardis, one of the most wonderful of them all.

  "These things the oligarchs will do because they cannot help doing them.These great works will be the form their expenditure of the surplus willtake, and in the same way that the ruling classes of Egypt of long agoexpended the surplus they robbed from the people by the building oftemples and pyramids. Under the oligarchs will flourish, not a priestclass, but an artist class. And in place of the merchant class ofbourgeoisie will be the labor castes. And beneath will be the abyss,wherein will fester and starve and rot, and ever renew itself, thecommon people, the great bulk of the population. And in the end, whoknows in what day, the common people will rise up out of the abyss; thelabor castes and the Oligarchy will crumble away; and then, at last,after the travail of the centuries, will it be the day of the commonman. I had thought to see that day; but now I know that I shall neversee it."

  He paused and looked at me, and added:

  "Social evolution is exasperatingly slow, isn't it, sweetheart?"

  My arms were about him, and his head was on my breast.

  "Sing me to sleep," he murmured whimsically. "I have had a visioning,and I wish to forget."